Friday, September 11, 2026

Simplest Merge: Set Theory versus Graph Theory

In this blog post, I give a set-theoretic formalization of simplest Merge and a graph-theoretic formalization and then compare the two. The conclusion is that the graph-theoretic definition is more complicated, and involves a violation of the Inclusiveness Condition.

Set Theory

1. Merge (set-theoretic)

For any two distinct syntactic objects SO1 and SO2, Merge(SO1, SO2) = {SO1, SO2}.

2. Syntactic Objects

The definition of Merge is usually given in the context of the definition of syntactic objects:

For any lexical item LI, LI is a syntactic object. If SO1 and SO2 are distinct syntactic objects, Merge(SO1, SO2) = {SO1, SO2} is a syntactic object. Nothing else is a syntactic object.

3. Graph Theory

A graph is defined as an ordered pair G = <V, E>, where V is a set of vertices (nodes), and E is a set of edges (where each edge is an unordered pair of elements from V). 

4. Graph Example

For example, if you have three nodes connected in a triangle, you have the following graph:

V = {n1, n2, n3}

E = {{n1, n2}, {n2, n3}, {n3, n1}}

5. Mother Node

In order to define Merge in graph theory, the Merge operation has to create a mother node dominating two root nodes. So the definition of syntactic object (a graph) has to include a root node:

SO = <V, E, r>, where r is in V (r is the root node in the graph).

6. Lexical Item as a Graph

Before defining Merge, we need to define what the graph for a lexical item is.

For LI a lexical item, SO = <V, E, r>

where: V = {LI}, E = ∅, r = LI

7. Merge (graph-theoretic)

Given this background, Merge can be defined in the following way:

Merge(SO1, SO2) = <V1 ∪ V2 U {m}, E1 ∪ E2 ∪ {{m, r1}, {m, r2}}, m>

where: V1 and V2 are disjoint, SO1 = <V1, E1, r1>, SO2 = <V2, E2, r2>,

m ∉ (V1 ∪ V2 ) (ensuring m is a distinct node from the existing nodes in the tree).

8. Complexity

The complexity of definition 7 is due in large part to having to create new mother nodes and to make sure that they are distinct from the existing nodes. No such node creation is needed for the set theoretic definitions in 1 and 2.

9. Inclusiveness

The definition in 7 clearly violates inclusiveness, which “…bars introduction of new elements (features) in the course of computation: indices, traces, syntactic categories or bar levels, and so on.” (Chomsky 2001:2–3)

In the definition in 7, a new mother node is introduced which is not a lexical item or any kind of feature already present in the derivation.

There exist slightly different alternative formalizations of Merge in the graph-theoretic framework (not shown here). However, they all run into the same fundamental problem. Edges in graph theory can only connect existing vertices. So you cannot merge together two syntactic objects, without first creating the mother node by expanding V. Any operation that adds a new vertex to V during a derivation will necessarily violate inclusiveness.

10. Multi-dominance

Set-theoretic representations given by 1 and 2 can easily be represented as graphs, and the concept of multi-dominance is easily coded in both the set-theoretic representation and the graph-theoretic representation. Multi-dominance in set theory is represented when a single SO is a member of more than one parent set (e.g., X∈Y and X∈Z).

11. Lexical Items Revisited

The representation of lexical items in 6 raises the issue of sentences where the same lexical item appears twice, such as “John saw John.” (“John” appears twice) or “The cat chased the dog.” (“the” appears twice). The question is whether those two lexical items should be distinguished or not. If they are not distinguished, then “John saw John.” will involve multi-dominance. That is, the node “John” will be in two different edges. 

There are at least two ways out of this dilemma. First, one could add diacritics to lexical items so that every lexical item is unique. In other words, there would be John-1 and John-2, and these would count as separate instances of the same lexical item (see Collins and Stabler 2016 for a formalization of such diacritics).

The second way out would be to treat lexical items as labels on a node in a graph. That is, it would be necessary to define a labeling function that maps nodes to lexical items (Label: V -> Lex). Since all the nodes in the graph are distinct, the two instances of “John” in “John saw John.” would label distinct nodes.

I note here that both of these solutions involve further violations of the Inclusiveness Condition (indices on lexical items or graph nodes) similar to the ones I point out in section 9 above.

3 comments:

  1. This comment has been removed by the author.

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  2. (on behalf of Erich Groat) What I find most interesting in these formal differences is how drastic the difference is between a pure set-theoretic model of hierarchical structure and any other model, be it in terms of graphs, trees, general partial orders, or what have you. Using nothing but the Pair Set Axiom, and some axiom schema that determines lexical items as "atomic" sets, elemental bare phrase structure simply falls out without any definitions needed of nodes, dominance relations, edges, or anything else. Graphs and trees have to be defined over sets of objects and relations (relations being sets of ordered pairs), while simple sets are already defined in terms of a primitive containment relation (the "epsilon" relation). The ontology of basic set theory need not be expanded to include objects called "nodes" that enter into binary relations such as edges or dominance relations (which are themselves reified set-theoretic objects) if what we want to capture is simply the "unification" of two elements into one, i.e. given a and b, we get {a,b}. Fact is, the Pair Set Axiom of set theory has already done the job. A classic case of Occam's Razor: let us not expand our ontology unnecessarily.

    Given how perfectly binary Merge correlates with the Pair Set Axiom, should we not take more seriously the idea that the generation of syntactic objects is parallel to the proof of the existence of sets? This seems a preferable starting point, preferable for being more minimal, certainly, than the idea of a computational system creating nodes and trees and relations and other objects built on top of, and adding new layers to, what is already a sufficient set-theoretic ontology

    The project of formalizing what is to begin with a pretty vague mechanism for the "computation" of linguistic structure in terms of Hopf Algebra, or any other algebra, seems deeply misguided to me. It misses what our discovery of Merge really amounts to: the discovery of the human capacity to unite multiplicities, recursively, and without restriction.

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  3. A bit of a defense of graphs, as another tool rather than the only way to go.

    While the initial workspace does contain everything you need to construct grammatical structures, it doesn't say what structures (whether 0, 1, or many) the grammar determines for any particular sequence of the formatives in the workspace (pretending for simplicity that prosody is absent). For that, I suggest, you need some kind of specification of which sets represents the correct structures, for which a graph of some sort doesn't seem to be a terrible choice, and you also want what is basically a proof that the universal and parochial rules/principles of the grammar assign these structures to the sequence.

    But graphs are also a way to represent proofs (proof-nets). In my paper in the _Semantics at the Crossroads_ (2025), I point out the PS trees can be regarded as proof-nets for PSGs. I also suggest very speculatively that the sentence structures we postulate should perhaps be thought of as representations of proofs that a particular utterance has the properties ('status' in some relatively recent Chomksy writing) that we claim it does, including 'acceptability', but also entailments etc (for semantics), and various other things, such as politeness levels

    Another point that has occurred to me is that while sets work well as covert structures for Minimalism (and also, LFG), they aren't sufficient in either framework for complete linguistic structures, since the overt structures will have to include linear order. In Minimalism, there is a particularly clean mapping from overt structure to a partial covert structure: forget the linear order (although it is also necessary to supply missing items, and additional positions in which items that are present occur). In LFG it is not so clean, since grammatical relations also have to be supplied (but how different is that from what the MCB operads are doing - the coloring rules in Marcolli&Larson 2025 seem pretty complicated to me), and this results, among other thing, in externalization being relatively hard (the proof that it is possible is about 5 pages that I've never waded through). Supplying linear order to an unordered tree, and deciding what positions not to realize, seems inherently simpler, however well or not so well either approach works descriptively.

    Furthermore, the relationship between sets and certain graphs (accessible pointed graphs, even moreso for those of these that are also DAGs) is pretty well understood, so I don't think we really have to choose.

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